Monday, January 27, 2020

Analysis of Refugee Protection Mechanisms

Analysis of Refugee Protection Mechanisms INTRODUCTION On any given day, thousands of individuals including women and children from all parts of the world are forced to flee their homes for fear of persecution or to escape the dangers of armed conflicts and other refugee-creating force making claims for refugee status in foreign countries. If the key in defining who a refugee is, should not be the reason for leaving ones country but rather the reason for being unable or unwilling to return to it, then in contemporary international system, the problems of border control and trans-boundary flows of asylum seekers are ever relevant to states as well as to the academic researchers in the field of International Relations. After the crises in the management of refugees during World War II, international bodies, primarily United Nations, has allocated significant proportions of its attention and its resources to build up and develop norms of refugee protection as part of the international system of governance. The primary goal of the collective attempts was to lay down the basics for refugee protection in cases of political turmoil, civil or national wars and ethnic conflicts. These attempts, though, were not only the results of the dramatic event of World War II as hinted above, but also accompanied the development of Human Rights regimes at the global level since the late years of the 1940s. It is in this context that the Convention related to the status of Refugees had been drafted and was released on 28th July, 1951. Additional international document in the field is the 1967 Protocol Relating to the status of Refugees known as the New York Protocol. According to the UNHCR 2008 Global Trends report, there were some 42 million forcibly displaced people worldwide at the end of 2008. This includes 15.2 million refugees, 827000 asylum-seekers (pending cases) and 26 million internally displaced person (IDPs).[1] The legal obligations requiring that receiving states not return these refugees to situations of serious human rights abuse derive from international law, but does the so-called international refugee law clearly determine how governments respond to involuntary migration? If the answer is yes then why do states pay lip service to the important of honouring the right to seek asylum, but in practice devote significant resources to keep refugees away from their borders.[2] My work will attempt to evaluate the international refugee system so as to discover whether the norms in the system for refugee protection constitute an international regime, as defined by international relations literature in order to show that if it is a regim e, then states are no longer afforded the full freedom of action and decision making under the doctrine of sovereignty and that they have a certain level of obligation to abide by regime rules and help in the upkeep of the regime. International regime is increasingly in a state of crisis. While armed conflict and human rights abuse continue to force individuals and groups to flee, many governments are retrenching from their legal duty to provide refugees with the protection they require. In this work, I will attempt to explain among other things, refugee laws increasingly marginal role in defining the international response to refugee protection. This will lead me to suggest the basic principles upon which I believe reformulation of international refugee protection mechanisms should be predicated. Refugee law must be reaffirmed, bolstered and perhaps reconceived to respond to this serious deterioration in the rights and security of refugees. This thesis will evaluate the international legal mechanisms for refugee protection. Its premise is that refugee law is a mode of human rights protection. The paper will address the legal definition of a refugee, refugee rights and the institutional and procedural structur es through which claims for protection are evaluated. It will clearly define and apply contemporary legal standards, within an international and domestic legal context, and subject the present domestic and international regime to critical scrutiny. TOPIC AIM AND OBJECTIVE: The aim of this work is to closely look at the international refugee protection system that is made up of the various conventions, treaties and regional agreements, and domestic refugee policies, in order to determine whether or not the system constitute an international regime. The purpose of trying to discover whether these mechanisms for refugee protection do or do not constitute an international regime is to show that the members of the regime (i.e. signatory states to the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol, regional agreements and those states that have enshrined the Convention in to their domestic asylum policies) thus have their actions restricted considerably by the very fact that they are members of the regime. They are no longer allowed the full freedom and decision-making afforded to them under the doctrine of state sovereignty. Regime plays important role in the international system in bringing about co-operation and stability. In my analysis of regime theory, I will attem pt a highlight of the role the refugee protection regime plays within the international system as a whole and discuss whether the roles are changing. THESIS QUESTION: In lieu with the above, this paper will attempt to address the following thesis questions: Do the contemporary refugee protection mechanisms in the international system constitute an international regime? If the system of protection is an international regime, what kind of regime does it represent? What are its characteristics and how is it important? How are restrictive measures adopted by states affecting the international protection regime? Specifically, do they account for the change within or of, the regime, or a weakening of the regime itself? What is the role of the regime within the international system as a whole, and how is this role evolving especially in the face of states use of restrictive measures? THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The study will use the Rationalist approach to regime theory. The mainstream rationalist theories of (interest- based) neo-liberalism and (power-based) neo-realism are the basis for the theoretical framework for this write-up. The focus on neoliberal or interest based theory of regime represents the fact that it has been extraordinarily influential in the past (two) decades and have come to represent the mainstream approach to analyzing international institutions.[3] The work will however not be limited to these two theories. In a situation where millions of innocent lives are at stake each year and states come together to attempt to solve the existing problems and potentially stop it from occurring in the future, the researcher believes that it is not rational to assume that state action is driven by self interest and power politics alone. In contrast, state behavior within the international refugee protection regime largely comes from humanitarian concerns for people in need and fr om respect for international human rights law and international humanitarian law. It is in this light that the thesis will also consider the use of constructivist paradigm so as to show the importance of international norms, rules and principles, both within the regime itself and the role they play within the domestic asylum policy. SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF STUDY The work will aim at addressing the contemporary mechanisms in the international system for the protection of refugees focusing on post WWII onwards to current from historical perspective. While looking at the restrictive measures that states across the entire international system practice, the researcher will not undertake a close examination of any specific state within the international system of protection, but rather would address the system as a whole in an attempt to define and analyze its contents, discuss its importance in the international system and analyze the various changes that may be occurring within it and how these may affect the regime. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY The methodological framework of this research is a qualitative one. This study will use interpretivism as its main research philosophy. A descriptive research intends to present facts concerning the nature and status of a situation, as it exists at the time of the study (Creswell, 1994). It is also concerned with relationships and practices that exist, beliefs and process that are on-going, effects that are being felt or trends that are developing. In addition, such approach tries to describe present conditions, events or systems based on the impressions or reactions of the respondents of the research (Creswell, 1994). Unlike quantitative research methods, which largely use a positivist epistemological position, qualitative research methods are based on an interpretivist epistemological position which stresses the understanding of the social world through an examination of the interpretation of that world by its participants. Interpretivism holds a different logic of research procedure from positivism. It seeks to understand human behavior, instead of just explaining it, which is what positivism seeks to do. The ontology of qualitative methods is constructivist, which contends that social phenomenon is continually being accomplished by social actors- they are produced through social interaction and are thus constantly being revised.[4] Basically, a descriptive research utilizes observations and surveys. It is for this particular reason that this approach was chosen by the researcher, whose intention is to gather first hand data. Moreover, this will allow for a flexible approach that when important new issues and questions arise at the duration of the study, a further investigation can be conducted. Another advantage is that with this approach, the research will be fast and somehow cost-effective. Aside from the qualitative finding method, secondary research will be conducted in this study. Sources in secondary research will include previous research reports, existing findings on journals and existing knowledge on books, newspapers, magazines and in the internet. The study will undertake an extensive review of the relevant literature on the subject of refugee flow, asylum policy, border control, state sovereignty, international humanitarian and human rights laws, and international refugee law. Basically, interpretation will be conducted which can account as qualitative in nature. STRUCTURE OF THE PAPER CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION In the first chapter, the researcher will introduce the aim of the thesis and formulates the research questions. The methodology of the thesis, a secondary research method and a qualitative, interpretivist, constructivist approaches will be outlined. Finally, the relevant theoretical and empirical literature will be reviewed. CHAPTER 2. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK This chapter will present the rationalist approach to regime theory, including neoliberal and neorealist theories. These theories are chosen as the theoretical framework for the thesis and will be used to evaluate the international mechanisms for refugee protection so as to discover whether or not the system constitutes an international regime considered as legal. CHAPTER 3. THE INTERNATIONAL REFUGEE PROTECTION MECHANISMS: AN INTERNATIONAL REGIME? The third chapter will firstly provide the definitions of the key terms discussed in the work. Then, it will discuss the historical background of the system. It will further discuss the three major components of the refugee protection mechanisms in the international system namely: the legal documents (various conventions, treaties and regional agreements), the protection bodies (UN bodies, human rights organizations, among others) and finally domestic refugee policy. The chapter will finally show how these three levels of protection are integrated to form the refugee protection mechanism. CHAPTER 4. THE REFUGEE PROTECTION MECHANISMS AS AN INTERNATIONAL REGIME. In this chapter, the researcher will attempt a discussion of the various types and components of international regime that exist in the international system. This discussion is then related to the international protection system in an attempt to prove whether or not the system constitutes an international regime, and what type of regime it is. It evaluates the role of the regime and its importance within the international system as a whole. CHAPTER 5. RESTRICTIVE MEASURES In this chapter, a description of the various restrictive measures that states practice in order to cut down the influx of refugees across national borders is presented. The reasons for, and effect of, the restrictive policies are outlined. The concept of state sovereignty in relations to states reasons for, and justification of, the use of restrictive policies will also be discussed in this chapter. CHAPTER 6. RESTRICTIVE POLICIES AND REGIME CHANGE This chapter will outline the neoliberal, neorealist and constructivist explanation of regime transformation. It will attempt to prove whether or not the use of restrictive measures by member states represents a change within, or of, the regime, or a weakening of the international regime of refugee protection. It then discuss the potential impact of the regime weakening on the regime itself, as well as for member states and for the refugees. CHAPTER 7. CONCLUSION This is the conclusive part of the work. The researcher will address the research question and attempts to answer them by providing a summary of the main conclusions about the refugee regimes type, strength and importance, and the role that it plays in the international system and how this is evolving. LITERATURE REVIEW (ANNOTATED) From the initial review of literature, the researcher found resource materials including the following books, legal documents, journals and articles which will provide insights in to the study: ALTERNATIVES, Turkish Journal of International Relations. Volume 5, number 12, spring and summer 2006. Countries have different approaches to refugee protection system. This article can be very useful for the research as it shows that one of the major differences in approaches is the receiving and/or transit status vis-a-vis the refugee flow. Using four European countries- Belgium, Slovenia, Greece and Turkey as cases, the article examines refugee policies and makes an evaluation of differences in refugee protection system that each country develops. Donnelly, Jack, International Human Rights: A Regime Analysis in International Organization, Vol. 40, No. 3 (summer, 1986), 599-642. Donnellys article will be used in order to discover what type of regime the mechanism for protection in the international system is. It is useful for regime analysis. Creswell, J. W. 2003. Research Design: Quantitative, Qualitative, and Mixed Methods Approaches. SAGE. Thousand Oaks. USA. For the researchers choice of method of investigation, a reference to Creswells work on research design will provide great help. Guy S Goodwin-gill: (1996) The Refugee in International Law2nd Edition. Oxford University Press: Oxford. In this book, Goodwin-Gills provide an excellent overview of contemporary international refugee law, the three levels of protection, and the meanings and workings of the treaties and conventions on refugee protection. The book is widely recognized as the leading text on refugee law and as an excellent treatise of the international law on refugee, all the major problems are discussed in a general and lucid way. Hasenclever, Mayer and Rittberger (1997) Theories of International Regimes. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge. This book is very essential in the writing of this thesis as it provides an overview of the rationalist approach to regime theory. The book examines in detail the neoliberal and neorealists distinct views on the origins, robustness and consequences of international regimes. Hathaway, James (ed) (1997) Reconceiving International Refugee Law. Martinus Mijhoff Publishers: The Hague. Hathaways Book, a collection of essays by leading migration scholars, will be helpful in that it offers a response to the concerns of many states that refugee protection has become no more than a back door route to permanent immigration. It explores the potential for a shift to a robust and empowering system of temporary asylum, supported by a pragmatic system of guarantees to share both the cost and human responsibilities. Helmut Breitmeier (2008). The Legitimacy of International Regimes. Ashgate Publishing Limited. England. How legitimate are outcomes, outputs and impacts of international regimes? In this book, theoretical and empirical chapters balance one another. The book explores the question whether problem-solving in international regimes is effective and equitable and whether regimes contribute that sates comply with international norms. It also analyses whether non-state actors can improve the output and input-oriented legitimacy of global governance systems. Michelle Foster (2007) International Refugee Law and Social Economic Rights. Refugee from Deprivation. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge. A range of emerging refugee claims is beginning to challenge the boundaries of the refugee convention regime and question traditional distinction between economic migrants and political refugees. Fosters book will greatly help in identifying the conceptual and analytical challenges presented by socio-economic deprivation. It undertakes an assessment of the extent to which these challenges may be overcome by a creative interpretation of the refugee convention, consistent with correct principles of international treaty interpretation. Keohane, Robert O., International Institutions: Two Approaches in International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 32, No. 4 (Dec., 1988), 379-396. This is a journal article by Keohane that will also be helpful in formulating the rationalist approach to regime theory. Krasner, Stephen D. (ed) (1989) International Regimes. Cornell University Press: Cambridge This book by Krasner includes articles by various authors on neorealist and neoliberal approaches to regime theory. It also provides sharp criticism of regime theory and so therefore will help the research. Wendt, Alexander, Anarchy is what States Make of it: The Social Construction of Power Politics in International Organization, Vol. 46, No. 2 (Spring, 1992), 391-425 Wendts article will be useful in creating an alternative understanding to neorealism of how and why cooperation occurs in the international system of states. Aside, a variety of conventions, treaties, and agreements Will also be reviewed and referred to, including the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, the Organization of African Unity Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa, the Cartagena Declaration on Refugees, the 1990 Dublin Convention, the 1990 Schengen Convention, the 1977 Treaty of Amsterdam, the 1950 European Convention on Human Rights, the 1981 African Charter on Human and peoples Rights and the 1948 Universal Declaration on Human Rights and its Protocols. These documents can be accessed in the annexes of Guy S, Goodwin-Gills book The Refugee in International Law2nd Edition. Oxford University Press: Oxford, 379-550. 2008 Global Trends: Refugee Asylum- seekers, Returnees, Internally Displaced and Stateless Persons (16 June 2009). James C. Hathaway (Ed.). Re-conceiving International Refugee Law. P. xvii Hasenclever, Mayer and Rittberger (1997) Theories of International Regimes.p.4 Creswell, J.W. (1994) Research design: Qualitative and quantitative approaches. Thousand Oaks, California: Sage. in Bryman (2001) Social Research Methods, Oxford University Press, Oxford, p.264

Sunday, January 19, 2020

Non Hormonal Methods Of Contraception Health And Social Care Essay

The planetary human immunodeficiency virus ( HIV ) pandemic is progressively going a load of the female population. HIV is preponderantly acquired through heterosexual transmittal and in many parts of the universe, HIV prevalence and incidence rates are higher among adult females than work forces ( Daly et al 1994 ) . At the terminal of 2007, an estimated 15.4 million adult females were infected with HIV, most of them being of fertile age ( Heikinheimo and Lahteenmaki 2008 ) . Importantly, immature adult females aged 15-24 have a 4- to 7-fold increased hazard of going infected with HIV, when compared with immature work forces of the same age ( Simon et al. , 2006 ) . The demographics and paths of infection vary harmonizing to the stage of the HIV epidemic ( Beyrer, 2007 ) . Womans with HIV infection may wish to be after gestation to restrict their household or avoid gestation. The pick of contraceptive method in people populating with HIV is constrained by the demand to forestall bot h sexual transmittal of HIV and unwanted gestations. Correct usage of most user dependant methods requires a basic cognition of reproduction and literacy accomplishments to follow written instructions. Double map preventives that at the same time prevent HIV transmittal every bit good as unwanted gestations might be the most appropriate prophylactic method for adult females populating with HIV and AIDS ( Kakaire et al, 2010 ) .Main BodyThe human immunodeficiency virus ( HIV ) is a retrovirus belonging to the household of lentiviruses. Retroviruss can utilize their RNA and host Deoxyribonucleic acid to do viral DNA and are known for their long incubation periods. Like other retroviruses, HIV infects the organic structure, has a long incubation period or clinical latency, and finally causes the marks and symptoms of disease. HIV causes terrible harm to the immune system and finally destroys it by utilizing the Deoxyribonucleic acid of CD4+ cells to retroflex itself. In that procedure, the virus finally destroys the CD4+ cells ( Calles et al. 2010 ) . There are two types of human immunodeficiency virus ( HIV-1 and HIV-2 ) , which each evolved from a different simian immunodeficiency virus ( SIV ) . Both viruses emerged in the late twentieth century. In contrast to the SIV ‘s, which appear non to harm their natural archpriest hosts. HIV infection amendss the immune system, go forthing the organic structure susceptible to infection with a broad scope of bacteriums, viruses, Fungis, and Protozoa ( Calles et al. 2010 ) . Surveies have shown dramatic similarities but besides of import differences between HIV-1 and HIV-2. They have the same manners of transmittal and are associated with the same timeserving infections, but HIV-2appears to come on at a slower rate ( CDC ) . HIV-1 is much more prevailing than HIV-2. It is HIV-1 that is mostly responsible for the AIDS pandemic, while HIV-2 is chiefly restricted to West Africa. Now, in each twelvemonth of the early twenty-first century there are about 5 million new HIV infections, and about 3 million deceases from AIDS, which has become the 4th biggest cause of mortality in the universe ( Carter and Saunders 2007 ) . HIV-1 infection is characterized by an insidious impairment of the cellular immune system ( Vergis and Mellors 2000 ) . Both the measure and proportion of plasma CD4+ T-cells lessening steadily over a period of old ages to decennaries, and this progressive loss of CD4+ T-cells is associated with the development of AIDS in septic persons. The grade of immunodeficiency associated with HIV-1 infection, as defined by the oncoming of timeserving diseases, correlatives closely with plasma CD4+ T-cell counts ( Calles et al. 2010 ) . HIV ‘s Life Cycle Host cells infected with HIV have a sawed-off life span as a consequence of the virus ‘s utilizing them as â€Å" mills † to bring forth multiple transcripts of new HIV. Thus, HIV continuously uses new host cells to retroflex itself. Equally many as 10 million to 10 billion virions ( single viruses ) are produced day-to-day. In the first 24 H after exposure, HIV onslaughts or is captured by dendritic cells in the mucose membranes and tegument. Within 5 yearss after exposure, these septic cells make their manner to the lymph nodes and finally to the peripheral blood, where viral reproduction becomes rapid. CD4+ lymphocytes that are recruited to react to viral antigen migrate to the lymph nodes. These become activated and so proliferate via complex interaction of cytokines released in the microenvironment of the lymph nodes. This sequence of events makes the CD4+ cells more susceptible to HIV infection, and it explains the generalised lymphadenopath y feature of the acute retroviral syndrome seen in grownups and striplings. In contrast, HIV-infected monocytes allow viral reproduction but resist violent death. Therefore, monocytes act as reservoirs of HIV and as effecters of tissue harm in variety meats such as the encephalon ( Calles et al. 2010 ) . The HIV life rhythm includes six stages harmonizing to Calles et Al. ( 2010 ) binding and entry, rearward written text, integrating, reproduction, budding, and ripening ( Figure 1. Appendix 2. ) . Binding and Entry, the envelope proteins gp120 and gp41 bind to CD4+ cell receptors and co-receptors on the exterior of CD4+ cells and macrophages. The chemokine receptors CCR5 and CXCR4 facilitate viral entry. T-cell tropic viruses require CXCR4 to adhere, and macrotropic strains of the virus require CCR5. R5 is the most common virus transmitted during acute infection, and subsequently during infection X4 is the virus that is most common. The presence of a homozygous inactive mutant of the CCR5 allelomorph has caused opposition to infection by the R5 virus. The connection of the proteins and the receptors and co-receptors fuses the HIV membrane with the CD4+ cell membrane, and the virus enters the CD4+ cell and macrophage. The HIV membrane and the envelope proteins remain outside of the CD 4+ cell, whereas the nucleus of the virus enters the CD4+ cell. CD4+ cell enzymes interact with the viral nucleus and excite the release of viral RNA and the viral enzymes rearward RNA polymerase, integrase, and peptidase. The HIV RNA must be converted to DNA before it can be incorporated into the Deoxyribonucleic acid of the CD4+ cell. This incorporation must happen for the virus to multiply. The transition of HIV RNA to DNA is known as contrary written text and is mediated by the HIV enzyme contrary RNA polymerase. The consequence is the production of a individual strand of Deoxyribonucleic acid from the viral RNA. The individual strand of this new DNA so undergoes reproduction into dual isolated HIV DNA. Once rearward written text has occurred, the viral DNA can come in the karyon of the CD4+ cell. The viral enzyme integrase so inserts the viral DNA into the CD4+ cell ‘s Deoxyribonucleic acid. This procedure is known as integrating. The CD4+ cell has now been changed into a mill used to bring forth more HIV. The new DNA, which has been formed by the integrating of the viral DNA into the CD4+ cell, causes the production of courier Deoxyribonucleic acid that initiates the synthesis of HIV protei ns ( Calles et al. 2010 ) . The HIV proteins and viral RNA, all the constituents needed to do a new virus, gather at the CD4+ cell membrane to organize new viruses. These new viruses push through the different parts of the cell wall by budding. Many viruses can force through the wall of one CD4+ cell. These new viruses leave the CD4+ cell and contain all the constituents necessary to infect other CD4+ cells. The new virus has all the constituents necessary to infect other CD4+ cells but can non make so until it has matured. During this procedure, the HIV peptidase enzyme cuts the long HIV proteins of the virus into smaller functional units that so reassemble to organize a mature virus. The virus undergone the procedure of ripening and is now ready to infect other cells ( Calles et al. 2010 ) . Safe and effectual methods of contraceptive method represent a critical constituent of preventative wellness attention cut downing maternal and infant mortality ; particularly in adult females populating in resource-limited scenes ( Zdenek et al. 2010 ) here is broad fluctuation in contraceptive method prevalence worldwide runing from 8 % of adult females aged 15-49 old ages in western Africa up to 78 % in northern Europe. Female sterilization ( 32 % ) , intrauterine devices ( 22 % ) , and the unwritten preventive pill ( 14 % ) history for more than two tierces of all prophylactic pattern worldwide.4 In less developed states 70 % of contraceptive method users rely on female sterilization and intrauterine devices in portion because they are advocated by health care services as a consequence of cost effectivity in footings of gestation bar and service proviso ( UNPD, 2001 ) . Non-Hormonal Methods of Contraception A high grade of protection against HIV sexual transmittal is provided by consistent correct rubber usage ( Davis and Weller 1999 ) ; inconsistent or incorrect usage is non protective. Most planetary HIV transmittal occurs because rubbers are non used at all during sexual intercourse ( Steiner and Cates 1999 ) .Condom accidents are reported by 1-12 % of users and the method prophylactic failure rate is at least 12 % ( Trussel et al. 1992 ) . Double protection, the coincident usage of an effectual contraceptive method method with consistent rubber usage, has been advocated to cut down the hazard of unplanned gestation, horizontal transmittal of HIV to a non-infected spouse, transmittal of immune virus to an spouse with HIV infection, and the hazard of acquisition of other STIs including high hazard human papillomavirus ( HPV ) types ( UNDP/UNFPA/WHO 2002 ) . Male rubbers are the lone means proven to significantly cut down the hazard of HIV transmittal in heterosexual intercourse ( Cates 2005 ) . Harmonizing to a recent Cochrane reappraisal, consistent usage of male rubbers consequences in 80 % decrease in the hazard of HIV transmittal among HIV-serodiscordant twosomes ( Weller and Davis-Beaty, 2002 ) .The female rubber is a polyurethane sheath with two flexible rings at each terminal ; one ring is inserted into the upper vagina and the other covers the introitus. The female rubber is less likely than male rubbers to leak or interrupt during sex, but invasion of the outer pealing into the vagina is reported in 2 % of copulatory episodes. The cumulative chance of vaginal exposure to seeds with female rubber usage has been estimated as 3 % , compared to 11.6 % with the male rubber. The prophylactic failure rate is estimated at 5-21 % over 12 months ( Daly et al. 1994 ) . Consistent usage of rubber was associated with holding one spouse, greater income, no illicit drug usage and when rubbers were the lone preventive method used ( Wilson et al. 1999 ) .Women who besides use, effectual or long term methods of contraceptive method are less likely to describe consistent rubber usage ( Magalhaes et al. 2002 ) . Condom usage is besides related to whether the adult female has informed her spouse of her position ( DesgreA?es-du-LouE†  et al. 2002 ) less consistent usage is reported by concordant twosomes ( Clark et al. 1997 ) , even within discordant partnerships consistent rubber usage is reported by merely about 50 % twosomes ( Allen et al. 2003 ) .Obstacles to greater usage of male rubbers include deficiency of handiness, fright of being perceived as holding multiple spouses and being unfaithful to a regular spouse, resistance on spiritual evidences, and male laterality in determination devising ( UNDP/UNFPA/WHO, 2002 ) . Women populating with HIV inf ection may experience unable to unwrap their HIV position and negotiate rubber usage with new sexual spouses for fright of forsaking, domestic force, loss of economic support, and societal isolation. The issues around female rubber usage are besides negociating barrier method usage, ( Kalichman et al.2000 ) method acceptableness by users, and higher cost compared with the male rubber. The WHO audience on reuse suggested that female rubbers still run into fabrication quality appraisal specifications after seven rhythms of bleach disinfections, rinsing, drying, and relubrication. This protocol has non been evaluated for safety and efficaciousness in human usage and the WHO does non urge or advance reuse of female rubbers and is presently patronizing research to measure reuse protocols under local conditions ( WHO, 2002 ) . Furthermore, stop and vimules cover the neck and parts of the vaginal wall, while caps cover merely the neck. Their usage in discordant twosomes is non recommended, as a comparatively big country of vaginal mucous membrane remains exposed, micro injury during interpolation, and the accompaniment usage of nonoxynol-9 spermatocide may do epithelial break and increase viral transmittal hazard to the male spouse ( Carlin and Boag 1995 ) . Nonoxynol-9 ( N-9 ) spermatocide provides no protection against sexually familial infections including HIV ( Wilkinson et al. 2002 ) and frequent usage increases the hazard of HIV acquisition ( Van Damme et Al. 2002 ) . WHO Contraceptive Research and Development ( CONRAD ) proficient audience concluded that N-9 should non be used or promoted for the bar of HIV in adult females at high hazard of infection ( WHO 2001 ) . There are no published surveies on the female-male transmittal hazard with N-9 usage by adult females with HIV infection. It seems advis able for adult females with HIV infection with discordant sexual spouse to avoid N-9 spermicidal entirely or with other prophylactic methods to cut down the possible hazard of HIV sexual transmittal. There is no grounds that rubbers lubricated with N-9 are more effectual in forestalling gestation than rubbers lubricated with silicone. However, where pick is limited it is better to utilize any rubber than no rubber at all. In the hereafter, effectual and acceptable micro biocides may hold a function, supplying HIV positive adult females unable to negociate consistent rubber usage with a discordant spouse with an extra method to cut down sexual transmittal. HORMONAL METHODS OF CONTRACEPTION The combined unwritten preventive ( COC ) pill is an effectual user dependent contraceptive method with the non-contraceptive benefits of rhythm control, decrease in hypermenorrhea and dysmenorrhoea. Absorption can be affected by drawn-out intercurrent diarrhea and emesis. The COC is metabolised by the liver and its usage is contraindicated in adult females with unnatural liver map, which may be caused by intoxicant maltreatment, ague or chronic viral hepatitis, and inauspicious events on antiretroviral combinations. These factors are peculiarly relevant when doing contraceptive method picks for HIV positive adult females who are current or old shooting drug users with chronic active hepatitis C infection. Current drug users frequently have a helter-skelter life style that precludes effectual usage of user dependent contraceptive method methods ( Mitchell and Stephens, 2004 ) . Progestogen ( POP ) merely pills methods may be used by adult females with contraindications to estrogen usage. The POP is an effectual preventive method with right and consistent usage ; ovulation is non inhibited in all users, and inconsistent usage can ensue in gestation. A new progestin merely pill, Cerazette, which contains 75 milligram desogestrel, has late been introduced. In surveies Cerazette inhibited ovulation in97 % of rhythms at 7 and 12 months after induction ; this would propose enhanced efficaciousness in comparing with conventional POPs, though as yet unconfirmed by comparative tests ( Mitchelle and Stephens, 2004 ) . Under the long playing progestin merely contraceptive method, depot Provera ethanoate ( DMPA ) 150 milligram is given by deep intramuscular injection at 12 hebdomadal intervals and norethisterone oenanthate ( Noristerat ) 200 mg every8 hebdomads. These methods have the advantage of non being intercourse related but require regular entree to wellness attention for repetition injections. Likewise, implants need to be inserted by a trained wellness professional. Implanon is effectual for 3 old ages, and Jadelle for 5 old ages ( non licensed in the United Kingdom ) ; both are extremely effectual, non-user dependant, and reversible methods of progestin merely contraceptive method. Harmonizing to Mitchell and Stephens ( 2004 ) , factors impacting contraceptive method pick for HIV positive adult females are influence by the state of abode, the handiness of methods, entree to healthcare services, and cost.Religious, cultural, and personal beliefs of the function of adult female in society, acceptableness to spouse, effects on menses. Subsequent is the HIV position of adult female that involves the CD4 count, viral burden and physical well-being. Furthermore HIV serostatus, indefinite spouse concordant and discordant. Then catamenial, sexual, and generative history consist of hypermenorrhea, dysmenorrhoea, past pelvic infection, past ectopic gestation, gestation planning. In add-on the medical history findings like unnatural liver map, past history of venous thromboembolic disease, high blood pressure, lipemia, and current drug maltreatment. Finally the medicines causes such as, enzyme inducers, antibiotics, teratogenic agents. In the survey of ‘contraception among individuals populating HIV with infection go toing an HIV attention and support Centre in Kabale, Uganda ‘ by Kakaire et Al. ( 2010 ) shows that factors independently associated with prophylactic usage were degree of instruction and whether respondent has changed spouses since HIV diagnosing. Contraception usage and conformity is related to the scope of methods available, patient pick, prevailing wellness and spiritual beliefs, perceptual experiences of method effectivity, and side effects ( for illustration, adult females may hold less tolerance for heavy and drawn-out vaginal hemorrhage than amenorrhea ( Playle 2000 ) . Correct usage of most user dependant methods requires a basic cognition of reproduction and literacy accomplishments to follow written instructions. In Gazmararian et Al, ( 1999 ) many states adult females are unable to do independent determinations about their sexual and generative wellness because of political inst ability within society, deficiency of economic independency, and predominating cultural or spiritual attitudes to adult females ‘s rights. The Government ‘s 2001 National Strategy for Sexual Health and HIV outlined policies to cut down degrees of insecure sex, new HIV diagnosings, and undiagnosed HIV by 2007, via puting in bar, bettering outreach services, co-ordinating enterprises and widening information runs. A cardinal mark for a 25 % lessening in freshly acquired HIV infections by 2007 was non met ; new diagnosings have increased significantly. The US Department of Health ( 2009 ) argues that other marks were achieved ; HIV proving increased and clinic waiting times declined. A policy briefing high spots the crisis in presenting just wellness attention for people populating with HIV and AIDS, and the overpowering load it places on adult females and misss. HIV and AIDS have brought an increased demand for community and home-based attention. Due to traditional gender norms and unequal gender dealingss it is the adult females and misss in the communities who are the primary health professionals, whilst perchance being HIV positive, and frequently needing attention themselves.DecisionAt this point in the AIDS epidemic, the bar of the heterosexual transmittal of HIV is of paramount importance ( Daly et al. 1994 ) . Women all over the universe are at hazard for HIV, even within matrimonial relationships. Sing that preventive usage is being promoted worldwide, including in countries where HIV incidences increasing, farther cognition sing the consequence of single preventives on HIV transmittal is imperative. Development and proviso of safe, effectual, low-cost a nd acceptable contraceptive method for adult females at hazard of HIV and those populating with HIV/AIDS is one of the major challenges of generative medical specialty. Currently, consistent usage of male rubbers is the lone proven means to cut down the hazard of HIV transmittal in heterosexual intercourse. All the available reversible prophylactic methods-OCs, prophylactic injections and IUDs-can by and large be used both by adult females at hazard of HIV infection and by HIV-infected adult females. An ideal preventive scheme for adult females at hazard of HIV infection would supply coincident protection against both unintended gestation and HIV acquisition. Word Count: 3,029Appendix 1Mention Lists:Allen, S. , Meinzen-Derr, J.and Kautzman, M. ( 2003 ) . Sexual behavior of HIV discordant twosomes after HIV guidance and testing. AIDS, vol.17, p. 733-740. Beyrer, C. ( 2007 ) . HIV epidemiology update and transmittal factors: hazard and hazard contexts-16th International AIDS Conference Epidemiology Plenary. Clin Infect Dis, vol. 44, p. 981-987. DesgreA?es-du-LouE†  , A. , Msellati, P. and Viho, I. ( 2002 ) . Contraceptive usage, protected sexual intercourse and incidence of gestations among African HIV-infected adult females. DITRAME ANRS 049 Project, Abidjan 1995-2000. Int J STD AIDS, vol. 13, p. 462-468. Calles, N. , Evans, D. and Terlonge, DL. ( 2010 ) . PATHOPHYSIOLOGY OF THE HUMAN IMMUNODEFICIENCY VIRUS. HIV Curriculum for the Health Professional, p. 7-14.http: // Carlin, E.M. and Boag, F.C. ( 1995 ) . Women, contraceptive method and STDs including HIV. International Journal of STD and AIDS, vol. 6, p. 373-386. Carter, J.B. and Saunders, V. A. ( 2007 ) .Virology: rules and applications. England: John Wiley and Sons Ltd. Cates, W. ( 2005 ) .Review of non-hormonal contraceptive method ( rubbers, intrauterine devices, nonoxynol-9 and jazz bands ) on HIV acquisition. Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome, vol.38, sup.1, s8-10. Clark, R.A. , Kissinger, P. and Bedimo, A. ( 1997 ) . Determination of factors associated with rubber usage among adult females infected with human immunodeficiency virus. Int J STD AIDS, vol.8, p. 229-233. Centers for Disease Control. ( 1998 ) . National Center for HIV, STD, and TB Prevention, Division Of HIV/AIDS Prevention: A Human immune lack virus type 2. Daly, C.C. , Helling-Giese, G.E. and Mati, J.K. ( 1994 ) . Contraceptive methods and the transmittal of HIV: deductions for household planning. Genitourinary Medicine, vol. 70, p. 110-117. Davis, K. and Weller, S. ( 1999 ) . The Effectiveness of Condoms in cut downing heterosexual transmittal of HIV. Family Planning Perspectives, vol.31, p. 272-279. Gazmararian, J.A. , Parker, R.M. and Baker, D.W. ( 1999 ) . Reading accomplishments and household planning cognition and patterns in a low-income managed-care population. Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology, vol.93, p.239-244. Heikinheimo, O. and LaA?hteenmaA?ki, P. ( 2008 ) . Contraception and HIV Infection in Women. Human Reproduction Update, vol.15, no.2, p. 165-176. Kalichman, S.C. , Rompa, D. , and Cage, M. ( 2000 ) . Factors associated with female rubber usage among HIV-seropositive adult females. Int J STD AIDS, vol.11, p.798-803. Kakaire, O. , Kaye, D.K. and Osinde, M.O. ( 2010 ) . Contraception among individuals populating HIV with infection go toing an HIV attention and support Centre in Kabale, Uganda. Journal of Public Health and Epidemiology, vol. 2, issue 8, p. 180-188. Magalhaes, J. , Amaral, E. and Giraldo, P.C. ( 2002 ) . HIV Infection in adult females: impact on contraceptive method. Contraception, vol. 66, p. 87-91. Mitchell, H. S. and Stephens, E. ( 2004 ) .Contraception pick for HIV positive adult females. Sexual activity Transm Infect, vol. 80, p.167-173. Playle, J.F. ( 2000 ) . Concepts of conformity: apprehensions and attacks. British Journal of Family Planing, vol.26, p.213-19. Simon, V. , Ho, D. and Karim, Q. ( 2006 ) . HIV/AIDS epidemiology, pathogenesis, bar, and intervention. Lancet, vol. 358, p. 489-504. Steiner, M.J. and Cates, W. ( 1999 ) . The existent job with male rubbers is non-use. Sexually Familial Diseases, vol. 26, p. 459-462. Trussel, J. , Warner, D.L. and Hatcher, R.A. ( 1992 ) . Condom slippage and breakage rates. Family Planing Positions, vol.24, p. 20-23. UNDP/UNFPA/WHO/World Bank Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, Department of Reproductive Health and Research, WHO. ( 2002 ) .HIV/AIDS makes double protection a must. Progress in Reproductive Health Research Quarterly Newsletter, no 59. United Nations Population Division Statistics Department of Economic and Social Affairs. ( 2001 ) .World preventive usage. Van Damme, L. , Ramjee, G. and Alary, M. ( 2002 ) . Effectiveness of COL-1492, anonoxynol-9 vaginal gel, on HIV-1 transmittal in female sex workers: A randomized controlled test. Lancet, vol. 360, p. 971-977. Vergis, E.N. and Mellors, J.W. ( 2000 ) .A Natural history of HIV-1 infection. Infect Dis Clin North Am, A vol. 14, issue 4, p. 809-825.A Weller, S.C. and Davis-Beaty, K. ( 2002 ) . Condom effectivity in cut downing heterosexual HIV transmittal. Cochrane Database Systematic Reviews, issue 1, p.1-22. Wilkinson, D. , Tholandi, M. and Ramjee, G. ( 2002 ) . Nonoxynol-9 spermatocide for bar of vaginally acquired HIV and other sexually familial infections: systematic reappraisal and meta-analysis of randomised controlled tests including more than 5000 adult females. Lancet Infect Dis, vol, 2, p. 613-617. Wilson, T. , Massad, L.S. and Riester, K.A. ( 1999 ) . Sexual, prophylactic, and drug usage behavior of adult females with HIV and those at high hazard for infection: consequences from the Women ‘s Interagency HIV Study. AIDS, vol. 13, p. 591-598. WHO/CONRAD Technical Consultation on Nonoxynol-9. ( 2001 ) .Geneva, Summary Report. WHO. ( 2002 ) . Information update: considerations sing the reuse of the female rubber, ( ) . Zdenek Hel, Z. , Stringer, E. and Mestecky, J. ( 2010 ) . Sexual activity Steroid Hormones, Hormonal Contraception, and the Immunobiology of Human Immunodeficiency Virus-1 Infection. Endocrine Reviews, vol.31 ( 1 ) , p.79-9.

Friday, January 10, 2020

Night World : Soulmate Chapter 14

Stay here,† Rashel said sharply, but Hannah ran with the rest of them toward the front of the house. She could hear a ferocious snarling and barking outside-a very familiar sort of sound. Nilsson and the other CIA guys were running around. They looked grim and efficient, moving fast but not frantically. Hannah realized that they knew how to do this sort of thing. She didn't see Lupe. The snarling outside got louder, building to a volley of short barks. There was a yelp-and then a scrambling noise. After a moment of silence there came a sound that lifted the hair on Hannah's forearms-a wild and eerie and beautiful sound. A wolf howling. Two other wolf voices joined the first, chording, rising and falling, interweaving with each other. Hannah found herself gasping, her entire skin shivering. Then there was one long sustained note and it was over. â€Å"Wow,† the tiny blond called Gillian whispered. Hannah rubbed her bare arms hard. The front door opened. Hannah felt herself looking toward the ground, but nothing four-legged came in. Instead it was Lupe and two guys, all disheveled, flushed, and grinning. â€Å"It was just some scouts,† Lupe said. â€Å"We ran them off.† â€Å"Scouts from Maya?† Hannah said, feeling a tightness in her stomach. It really was true, then. Maya was trying to storm the house to get to her. Lupe nodded. â€Å"It'll be okay,† she said almost gently. â€Å"But I think all of you better stay inside today. You can watch movies or play games in the game room.† Hannah spent the day talking with the Circle Daybreak members. The more she found out about them, the more she liked them. Only one thing made her uncomfortable. They all seemed to defer to her-as if, somehow, they expected her to be wiser or better because of her former lifetimes. It was embarrassing, because she knew she wasn't. She tried to keep her mind off Thierry†¦ and Maya. But it wasn't easy. That night she found herself walking restlessly through the house. She wound up in a little anteroom on the second floor that looked down on the enormous living room. â€Å"Can't relax?† The lazy murmur came from behind her. Hannah turned to see Ash, his lanky elegant body propped against a wall. His eyes looked silver in the dimly lit room. â€Å"Not really,† Hannah admitted. â€Å"I just wish they'd find Thierry. I've got a bad feeling about it.† They stood for a moment in silence. Then Ash said, â€Å"Yeah, it's hard to be without your soulmate. Once you've found them, I mean.† Hannah looked at him, intrigued. The way he said that†¦ She spoke hesitantly. â€Å"This morning Thea said you were all here because you had human soulmates.† He looked across the room at French doors that led to a balcony. â€Å"Yes?† â€Å"And-well†¦Ã¢â‚¬  Maybe she's dead, Hannah thought suddenly. Maybe I shouldn't ask. â€Å"And you want to know where mine is,† Ash said. â€Å"I didn't mean to pry.† â€Å"No. It's okay.† Ash looked out at the darkness beyond the French doors again. â€Å"She's waiting-I hope. I've got some things to put right before I see her.† He didn't seem scary anymore, no matter how his eyes changed. He seemed-vulnerable. â€Å"I'm sure she is waiting,† Hannah said. â€Å"And I'll bet she'll be glad to see you when you've put things right.† She added quietly, â€Å"I know I'll be glad to see Thierry.† He glanced at her, startled, then smiled. He had a very nice smile. â€Å"That's true, you've been in her shoes, haven't you? And Thierry's certainly tried to make up for his past. I mean, he's been doing good works for centuries. So maybe there's hope for me after all.† He said it almost mockingly, but Hannah caught an odd glistening in his eyes. â€Å"You're like her, you know,† he added abruptly. â€Å"Like my-like Mary-Lynnette. You're both†¦ wise.† Before Hannah could think of something to say to that, he nodded to her, straightened up, and went back into the hallway, whistling softly through his teeth. Hannah stood alone in the dim room. For some reason, she felt better suddenly. More optimistic about the future. I think I'll be able to sleep tonight. And tomorrow, maybe Thierry will be here. She clamped down hard on the rush of hope that filled her at the thought. Hope†¦ and concern. After all she'd said to him, she couldn't be absolutely sure how Thierry would receive her. What if he doesn't want me after all? Don't be silly. Don't think about it. Go outside and get a breath of air, and then go to bed. Later, of course, she realized just how stupid she had been. She should have known that getting a breath of fresh air only led to one thing in her life. But at the moment it seemed like a good idea. Lupe had warned her not to open any outside doors-but the French doors only led to a second-floor balcony overlooking the backyard. Hannah opened them and stepped out. Nice, she thought. The air was just cool enough to be pleasant. From here she could look across dark stretches of grass to flood-lit palm trees and softly splashing fountains. Although she couldn't see Thierry's people, she knew they were out there, stationed around the grounds, watching and waiting. Guarding her. It made her feel safe. Nothing can get to the house with them around it, she thought. I can sleep just fine. She was about to turn and go back inside when she heard the scratching. It came from above her. From the roof. She glanced up and got the shock of this particular lifetime. There was a bat hanging from the roof. A bat. A bat. A huge bat. Upside down. Its leathery black wings were wrapped around it and its small red eyes shone at her with reflected light. Wild thoughts tumbled through Hannah's mind, all in a fraction of an instant. Maybe it's a decoration†¦ no, idiot, it's alive. Maybe it's somebody to guard me. God, maybe it's Thierry†¦. But all the while, she knew. And when the instant of paralysis passed and she could command her body again, she sucked in a deep breath to scream an alarm. She never got the chance to make a sound. With a noise like an umbrella opening, the bat unfolded its wings suddenly, displaying an amazingly large span of black membrane. At the same moment something like sheet lightning seemed to hit Hannah, a blinding surge of pure mental energy. She saw stars, and then everything faded to darkness. Something hurt. My head, Hannah thought slowly. And my back. In fact, she hurt all over. And she was blind-or she had her eyes shut. She tried to open them and nothing changed. She could feel herself blinking, but she could only see one thing. Blackness. Utter, complete blackness. She realized then that she'd never seen real darkness before. In her bedroom at night there was always some diffused light showing at the top of her curtains. Even outdoors there was always moonlight or starlight, or if it were cloudy, the reflection of human lights, however faint. This was different. This was solid darkness. Hannah imagined she could feel it pressing against her face, weighing down on her body. And no matter how wide she opened her eyes or how fixedly she stared, she couldn't see even the slightest glimmer breaking it. I will not panic, she told herself. But it was hard. She was fighting an instinctive fear, hardwired into the brain since before the Stone Age. All humans panicked in complete blackness. Just breathe, she told herself firmly. Breathe. Okay. Now. You've got to get out of here. First things first. Are you hurt? She couldn't tell. She had to shut her eyes in order to sense her own body. As she did, she realized that she was sitting up, instinctively huddling into herself to keep safe from the darkness. Okay. I don't think you're hurt. Let's try standing up. Very slowly. That was when the real shock came. She couldn't stand up. She couldn't. She could move her arms and even her legs. But when she tried to lift her body, even to shift position slightly, something bit into her waist, keeping her immobile. With a crawling feeling of horror, Hannah put her hands to her waist and felt the rough texture of rope. I'm tied. I'm tied†¦. There was something hard against her back. A tree? Her hands flew to feel it. No, not a tree-too regular. Tall, but squarish. A post of some kind. The rope seemed to be wound many times around her waist, tightly enough that it constricted her breathing a little. It bound her securely to the post. And then it fastened above or far behind her somewhere-she couldn't find any knots with her fingers. It felt like very strong, very sturdy rope. Hannah knew without question that she wasn't going to be able to wiggle out of it or untie it. The post seemed very sturdy, too. The ground under Hannah was dirt and rock. I'm alone, she thought slowly. She could hear her own gasping breath. I'm all alone†¦ and I'm tied here in the dark. I can't move. I can't get away. Maya put me here. She left me to die all alone in the dark. For a while, then, Hannah simply lost control. She screamed for help and heard her voice echo oddly. She pulled and twisted at the rope with her fingers until her fingertips were raw. She threw her whole body from one side to the other, trying to loosen the rope or the post, until the pain in her waist made her stop. And finally she gave in to the galloping fear inside her and sobbed out loud. She had never, ever, felt so desolate and alone. In the end, though, she cried herself out. And when she'd gasped to a stop, she found that she could think a little. Listen, girl. You've got to get a grip. You've got to help yourself, because there's nobody else to do it. It wasn't the cool wind voice or even the crystal voice-because they were both just part of her now. It was Hannah's own mental voice. She had accepted all her past selves and their experiences, and in return she felt she could call on at least some of their wisdom. Okay, she thought grimly. No more crying. Think. What can you tell about your situation? I'm not out in the open. I know because there's no light at all and because of the way my voice echoed. I'm in a big†¦ room or something. It's got a high ceiling. And the floor is rock. Good. Okay, do you hear anything else? Hannah listened. It was hard to concentrate on the silence around her-it made her own breathing and heartbeat seem terrifyingly loud. She could feel her nerves stretch and fray†¦ but she held on, ignoring her own noises and trying to reach out into the darkness with her ears. Then she heard it. Very far away, a sound like a faucet dripping slowly. What the hell? I'm in a big black room with a rock floor and a leaky faucet. Shut up. Keep concentrating. What do you smell? Hannah sniffed. That didn't work, so she took long breaths through her nose, ignoring the pain as her midsection pressed against the rope. It's musty in here. Dank. It smells damp and cold. In fact, it was very cold. Her panic had kept her warm before, but now she realized that her fingers were icy and her arms and legs were stiff. Okay, so what have we got? I'm in a big black refrigerated room with a high ceiling and a stone floor. And it's musty and damp. A cellar? A cellar without windows? But she was just fooling herself. She knew. The skin of her face seemed to sense the pressure of tons of rock above her. Her ears told her that that musical dripping was water on rock, very far away. Her nose told her that she wasn't in any building. And her fingers could feel the natural irregularity of the ground underneath her. She didn't want to believe it. But the knowledge crowded in on her, inescapable. I'm in a cave. A cave or a cavern. Anyway, I'm inside the earth. God knows how deep inside. Deep enough and far enough that I can't see any light from an entrance or vent hole. Very deep inside, her heart told her. She was in the loneliest place in the world. And she was going to die here. Hannah had never had claustrophobia before. But now she couldn't help feeling that the mass of rock around and above her was trying to crush her. It could fall in at any minute, she thought. She felt a physical pressure, as if she were at the bottom of the ocean. She began to have trouble breathing. She had to get her mind off it. She refused to turn into that screaming, gibbering thing in the darkness again. Worse than the thought of dying was the thought of going insane down here. Think about Thierry. When he finds out you're missing he'll start looking for you. You know that. And he won't give up until he finds you. But I'll be dead by then, she thought involuntarily. This time, instead of fear, the idea of her death brought a strange poignant loneliness. Another life where I missed him, she thought. She blinked against tears suddenly. Oh, God. Great. It's so hard. So hard to keep hoping that someday it's going to work out. But I'll meet him again in my next life. And maybe I won't be so stupid then; I won't fall for Maya's tricks. It'll be harder for him, I guess. He'll have to wait and get through the years day by day. I'll just go to sleep and eventually wake up somewhere else. And then someday he'll come for me and I'll remember . . . and then we'll start all over. I really did try this time, Thierry. I did my best. I didn't mean to mess things up. Promise me you'll look for me again. Promise you'll find me. I promise I'll wait for you. No matter how long it takes. Hannah shut her eyes, leaning back against the post and almost unconsciously touching the ring he'd given her. Maybe next time she'd remember it. Suddenly she didn't feel sad or afraid anymore. Just very tired. Eyes still shut, she grinned weakly. I feel old. Like Mom's always complaining she feels. Ready to turn this old body in and get a new†¦ The thought broke off and disappeared. Was that a noise? Hannah found herself sitting up, leaning forward as far as the rope would allow, straining her ears. She thought she'd heard†¦ yes. There it was again. A solid echoing sound out in the darkness. It sounded like footsteps. And it was coming closer. Yes, yes. I'm rescued, I'm saved. Hannah's heart was pounding so hard that she could hardly breathe to yell. But at last, just as she saw a bobbing point of light in the blackness, she managed to get out a hoarse squawk. â€Å"Thierry? Hello? I'm over here!† The light kept coming toward her. She could hear the footsteps coming closer. And there was no answer. â€Å"Thierry†¦ ?† Her voice trailed off. Footsteps. The light was big now. It was a beam, a flashlight. Hannah blinked at it. Her heart was slowly sinking, until it seemed to reach stone. And then the flashlight was right in front of her. It shone in her face, dazzling her eyes. Another light snapped on, a small camping lantern. Vision rushed back to Hannah, sending information surging to her brain. But there was no happiness in it. Hannah's entire body was ice cold now, shivering. Because of course it wasn't Thierry. It was Maya. I hope I didn't disturb you,† Maya said. She put down the lantern and what looked like a black backpack. Then she stood with her hands on her hips and looked at Hannah. I will not cry. I won't give her the satisfaction, Hannah thought. â€Å"I didn't know vampires could really change into bats,† she said. Maya laughed. She looked beautiful in the pool of lantern light. Her long black hair fell in waves around her, hanging down her back to her hips. Her skin was milky-pale and her eyes looked dark and mysterious. Her laughing mouth was red. She was wearing designer jeans and high-heeled snakeskin boots. Funny, Hannah had never noticed any of Maya's clothes before. Usually the woman herself was so striking that it was impossible to focus on how she was dressed. â€Å"Not all vampires can shapeshift,† Maya said. â€Å"But, then, I'm not like other vampires. I'm the first, my darling. I'm the original. And I have to say I'm getting really sick of you.† The feeling is mutual, Hannah thought. She said, â€Å"Then why don't you leave me alone? Why don't you leave me and Thierry alone?† â€Å"Because, then, my sweetpea, I wouldn't win. And I have to win.† She looked at Hannah directly, her face oddly serious. â€Å"Don't you understand that yet?† she said softly. â€Å"I have to win-because I've given up too much to lose. It can't all be for nothing. So winning is all there is.†

Thursday, January 2, 2020

The Women Behind The Veil - 2291 Words

The Women behind the Veil In a patriarchal society were the father or the man of the household decides for the family, women are quite often forced into prescribed gender roles. This is true for the women in Iran’s contemporary culture. For this purpose, the veil, which is worn by Iran women, is often identified as a symbol of obedience, respect or modesty which is otherwise an example of an oppressed patriarchal society. Author Marjane Satrapi’s novel Persepolis, exposes the regime behind this oppression of the Iran woman and compares western cultural expectations to that of Iranian culture. Yet, even behind the confinements of the veil many women are finding ways to rebel against the Iranian society’s oppression and find their own†¦show more content†¦Ã¢â‚¬Å"The meaning and significance of the veil have been interpreted according to the social and political conditions in Iran across the history by the ruling systems in Iran. Veiling and unveiling have been used instrumentally by the governing elite to consolidate the foundations of its power. In the Pahlavi era, political and cultural tendencies to the West can be seen, which led to unveiling. After the 1979 revolution, on the contrary, the Islamic government’s political and cultural tendencies were against the West, particularly the U.S., and veiling became compulsory† (Shilandari, 2010). Iran’s history has should that the veil of women was also to show uniformity. This was meant to strip women of their identity and individuality. By definition, this was to made Iranian women appear more subservient, righteous and obedient to their husbands and to the Muslim world. To the Islamic republic, motherhood was to the best way for women to show their loyalty to the regime which was said to be their sacred duty. However, author Marjane Satrapi said this seemed more like a cultural revolution instead of one steep in religious roots. She asserts â€Å"it was 1980: the year it became obligator y to wear the veil at school. We didn’t really like to wear the veil, especially since we didn’t understand why we had to. They separated us from our friends. Everywhere in the streets people demonstrated for and against the veil† (Satrapi,